WEBVTT

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[sil.]

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[music]

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[sil.]

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[music]

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The west of El Salvador
is not very different

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from the rest of the country. Green mountains,
placid lakes, and dormant volcanoes

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characterize the calm landscapes.

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[music]

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Like their ancestors, many of the
villagers make and sell mats and baskets

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using locally grown reeds. Some
of their religious celebrations

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show strong traces of their
indigenous and colonial origins.

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[music]

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Some of the elderly women still
wear the colorful refajos.

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[music]

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It is contemporary history however, that distinguishes the
western region of El Salvador from the rest of the country,

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and from the rest of the
hemisphere as well.

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On January 22nd, 1932,

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one of the largest peasant
rebellions in Latin American history

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took place there. Thousands of
peasants attacked military garrisons

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and captured several towns. The
army responded with the massacre

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of at least 10,000 people in a country with
a population of about a million and a half.

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The majority of those killed were Indians.

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[music]

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The mass killings generated
a collective trauma

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that lasted during six
decades of military rule.

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For the survivors, 1932,
was a subject talked about

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only in the privacy of their own home.
The 1992 peace accord signed in Mexico,

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which ended the civil war of the
1980s, also brought to an end

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the culture of terror and denial
that engulfed Salvadoran society.

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Democracy and a newfound trust has
allowed the survivors of 1932,

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to talk freely for the first time.
It is time for memory to speak.

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[music]

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The worldwide economic crisis of the
‘30s caused the fall of coffee prices,

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which led to the rapid reduction of plantation
wages while increasing hunger and poverty.

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Major A. R. Harris, military
attaché in El Salvador,

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commented just a month before the
insurrection, \"30 or 40 families

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own nearly everything in the country. They live
in almost regal splendor with many attendants,

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send their children to Europe or the United States to
be educated and spend money lavishly on themselves.

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The rest of the population
has practically nothing.

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I imagine the situation in El Salvador today is
very much like France was before its revolution,

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Russia before its revolution and
Mexico before its revolution.\"

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[music]

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During the governments of Romero Bosque

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and Arturo Araujo, certain
freedoms were allowed.

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Union leaders seized the opportunity and
extended their organizing activities.

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With incomes pushed below
subsistence levels

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due to the economic crisis, unions
pressed for wage increases.

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[non-English narration]

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Another cause of the peasant mobilization

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was the lack of access to land. Starting in the
1880s, the steady growth of the coffee industry

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backed by privatization laws led to the
breakup of communal land holdings.

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The unfulfilled electoral
promises made by President Araujo

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only exacerbated the land conflicts.

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[music]

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Peasant leaders pushed for land reform

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and both secret and open meetings
multiplied throughout the region.

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[music]

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Colonos, resident laborers on the haciendas,
in particular, had strong interest

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in obtaining land and then becoming
independent of the control of the landowners.

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Margarita Turcios – daughter of colonos,
affiliated to the union movement - explains.

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Urban workers played a key role

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in organizing the peasant movement, and Indians
and non-Indians alike participated in it.

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However, in certain places -
like Izalco and Nahuizalco -

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there were strong ethnic tensions between
Indians and Ladinos or non-Indians.

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Tensions increased during the early years
of the 20th century due to the Ladinos’

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increasing control of the land
and local political power.

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Already in 1930, many Indians who had
fought in defense of their communal lands

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began to join the protest
movement led by the land(ph).

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[non-English narration]

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We also find a religious dimension
accompanying the social movement.

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In 1931, there arose a cult around the
Virgin of Adelanto and Ahuachapán.

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Local peasants associate the religious cult

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with the movement to seek social justice.

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[music]

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[music]

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During the 1920s and ‘30s, despite the rigid
forms of patriarchy in Salvadoran society,

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women took part in the social
and political movements.

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[music]

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A report at the Salvadoran Regional Workers’
Federation stated of 1700 affiliates in Nahuizalco,

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544 were women.

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Many women workers from the coffee plantations
in the cities participated in the labor unions.

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Two women, Amparo
Casamalhuapa and Julia Mojica

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stood out as major leaders of
the revolutionary movement.

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[music]

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Faced with the rapid
growth of organized labor,

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the Araujo government chose to
repress the union movement,

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as the brother of the left-wing
leader Manuel Mojica asserts.

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[non-English narration]

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The Socorro Rojo - Red Aid -

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was originally conceived by the Communist Party as a
defense organization against political repression.

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It soon gained strength

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and became the main organization of peasants and
rural workers fighting for land and higher wages.

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Their leader was Farabundo Marti,

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a militant who had fought
alongside Sandino and Nicaraguan.

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Those who knew him remember him traveling
throughout the country organizing workers.

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[music]

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In September 1931, on a coffee
plantation near the town of Saragossa,

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the National Guard broke up a workers’
meeting attended by 200 people.

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The violent attack left
14 dead and 24 wounded.

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Faced with growing repression,

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peasants affiliated to Socorro Rojo began to
discuss the possibility of an insurrection.

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They believed that an insurrection
would not only stop the repression,

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it would also help them regain
the land they had lost.

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Responding to the growing insurrectionary
spirit of the members of Socorro Rojo,

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the communist leaders in San
Salvador requested funding and arms

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from the international office of
the Socorro Rojo in New York.

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Ismael Hernandez wrote in November 1931,

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\"The situation is serious and
is likely to become critical.

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You shouldn’t consider these matters with indifference nor
should you limit your response to theoretical analysis.

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We need plenty of funding, and if at
all possible, we need war materials.\"

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But they received nothing.

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[music]

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On December 2nd, 1931, General
Hernández Martínez led a coup d’etat

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against President Araujo. The rural workers
took advantage of the political uncertainty,

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and, for the first time in the history of the country,
started a wave of strikes in the coffee plantations.

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The political unrest
forced the new government

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to delay local elections for 15 days.

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The Communist Party,

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together with its allied grassroots
organizations, had gained considerable strength.

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According to internal records, the
Socorro Rojo had 6,000 members,

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mostly in the western region.

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Communist candidates had very good chances of
winning the municipal and congressional elections.

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Widespread fraud prevented the triumph of the Communist
Party. In Ahuachapan, the annulment of the elections

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provoked rural strikes that combined
political protest and wage demands.

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During the farm workers strike
in Santa Rita, Ahuachapan,

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the strikes turned violent. The National
Guard intervened and killed 30 strikers.

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[music]

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On January 13th, 1932,

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the English Consul wrote, “The communist
revolt is spreading dangerously.

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The agitation is focused
near Santa Ana, Ahuachapan,

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Sonsonate, and La Libertad. Serious clashes
have taken place between the government forces

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and the communists.” The party recognizing
the danger of a bloodbath in the West

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attempted to negotiate a truce
with the Martinez government.

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As the communist leader
Miguel Mármol recalls.

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The Communist Party then decided
to organize an armed revolt.

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However, four days before the planned
insurrection, the army captured three leaders -

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Zapata, Luna, and Farabundo Marti.

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Although news of their arrest

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caused uncertainty in the communist ranks, the
central committee of the party voted six to three

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in favor of going ahead
with the insurrection.

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[music]

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On the night of January 22nd,
thousands of workers and peasants -

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armed with machetes and some pistols and shotguns
- rose up and seized the towns of Tacuba,

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Juayua, Nahuizalco, Izalco and Tultepec.

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They blocked the roads, cut off lines of
communication and unsuccessfully attacked

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the military garrisons of Ahuachapan,
Santa Tecla, and Sonsonate.

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In the process, they killed at least
20 civilians and 30 soldiers.

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[music]

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[non-English narration]

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[non-English narration]

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[non-English narration]

00:22:05.000 --> 00:22:10.000
[non-English narration]

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[non-English narration]

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In the towns where they seized control,

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the rebels placed local power in the hands of the
communist candidates, whom they believed had been robbed

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of their electoral victories.

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[non-English narration]

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Juayúa - the indigenous
leader Francisco Sanchez -

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ordered that all land deeds
returned over to him

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so that he could develop a plan to
distribute land to the Indians.

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Sanchez issued orders from the town park.

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He ordered the municipal band to play
and ordered town women dressed in red

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to make courteous for his troops.

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[music]

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The presence of armed rebels
generated a sense of terror

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among the urban population.

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Peasants who didn’t support
the communist movement

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also lived through difficult
times during the insurrection.

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Sotero Linares, captured by rebels
in a village near Izalco remembers.

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After only three days, the National
Army - supported by civil militias -

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put down the rebellion. In some towns
- such as Nahuizalco and Tacuba -

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the troops killed every male over 12
years old that they could capture.

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The killing lasted more than a month.
The army and its accomplices

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killed at least 10,000
men - mostly Indians.

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[music]

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[music]

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[sil.]

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[non-English narration]

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In other places, the slaughter was more
selective. Troops often used official documents

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that listed voters who had supported the
nomination of Communist Party candidates.

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[music]

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[non-English narration]

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[non-English narration]

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[non-English narration]

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Weeks after the first executions,

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the massacres continued.

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[music]

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According to the English consul’s
report, about a thousand Indians

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from Nahuizalco showed up on February 13th,
attempting to obtain identity documents

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from the mayor certifying that
the bearer was not a communist.

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The mayor became frightened when he saw the large
numbers of people and sent an urgent telegram

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to military headquarters in Sonsonate. Upon
arrival, soldiers executed 388 Indians.

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[music]

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The violent reaction of the mayor
of Nahuizalco and some landowners

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derived partly from terror,
partly from collective hysteria

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and from a desire for vengeance.

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[music]

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A landowner from the area expressed
the fear and hatred of his class

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when he stated, \"The United
States did the right thing -

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exterminating Indians before they could
impede the progress of the nation.\"

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[music]

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Generally speaking, peasant survivors

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blame the communist leaders for the tragedy,
but even more, they blame the wealthy elite.

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[music]

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The massacres of thousands of Indians

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had a profound impact on their communities.
The Indian and peasant population

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developed a deep fear of the authorities
and strong resentment against the rich.

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[music]

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In 1933,

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Salarrué wrote, \"Indian women
still turn their backs

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when cars drive by, carrying - according
to them the enemies - the whites,

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the Ladinos, the damned,
the bad, the ugly.\"

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[non-English narration]

00:39:30.000 --> 00:39:35.000
[non-English narration]

00:39:40.000 --> 00:39:45.000
[non-English narration]

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[music]

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The dramatic change in power relations
between Indians and Ladinos

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had a subtle effect on the culture.
For instance, the Nahuatl language

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was spoken less and less doing part to the scorn
of the ladinos - often expressed in mockery

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against those who spoke
the Indian language.

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[music]

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Likewise, new generations of Indian women

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rejected the use of the
refajo, a traditional skirt.

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The 1932 massacre

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created a culture of terror. For the next
50 years, Western Indians and peasants

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shied away from any kind of
political participation.

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[music]

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During the 1960s and ‘70s, however,

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the unresolved problems from the 1930s,
motivated the new generation to participate

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in struggles for land, democracy
and the right to organize unions.

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[music]

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Political involvement sparked conflicts

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within their families.

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[music]

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During the early 1980s, as in
other parts of the country,

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government forces committed several
massacres in western El Salvador,

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and death squads assassinated large numbers of
individuals considered to be potential subversives.

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[music]

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El Canelo - another village near
Nahuizalco - relive the trauma of 1932.

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As Eduvigues Perez, once a widow

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and grandchild of massacre
victims, tells us.

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The repression and political polarization

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led to a civil war that blocked
El Salvador for 12 years.

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[music]

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Some young people joined the guerrillas

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and began to see the struggles of the
early 1930s as part of their own history.

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[music]

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Few militants, who had survived the 1932
insurrection and were still politically active,

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served as an inspiration to them.

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Doing part to the political legacy

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of the massacre of 1932, the
civil war did not develop

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with the same level of intensity in the West as in the other
parts of the country. But the coffee zone, nevertheless,

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witnessed social strife and warfare.

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[music]

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During the war, some young people began to
search for new forms of indigenous identities.

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With the end of the war, the indigenous
communities and leftist community activists,

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began to exercise their newfound right to
freedom of expression and organization.

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[music]

00:48:45.000 --> 00:48:50.000
[non-English narration]

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Despite some significant improvements,

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the peace accords of 1992, did not modify the
extremely unequal distribution of income

00:49:25.000 --> 00:49:30.000
or other forms of social inequality.

00:49:40.000 --> 00:49:48.000
[non-English narration]

00:49:50.000 --> 00:49:54.999
[music]

00:49:55.000 --> 00:49:59.999
The 1932 insurrection and
the civil war of the 1980s,

00:50:00.000 --> 00:50:04.999
demonstrated forcefully that peace
cannot last if its foundations

00:50:05.000 --> 00:50:09.999
are based on policies of cultural,
economic, and political exclusion.

00:50:10.000 --> 00:50:14.999
Will the future repeat the social and
historical convulsions that resulted in

00:50:15.000 --> 00:50:19.999
so much death, suffering, and destruction?

00:50:20.000 --> 00:50:24.999
[music]

00:50:25.000 --> 00:50:29.999
At the beginning of a new century,

00:50:30.000 --> 00:50:34.999
the Salvadoran strive to
build a democratic society.

00:50:35.000 --> 00:50:39.999
It is time to respect the right of Indians
and peasants and to respect their memories.

00:50:40.000 --> 00:50:48.000
[music]

00:50:50.000 --> 00:50:54.999
Above all, there must be an end
to their social marginality,

00:50:55.000 --> 00:50:59.999
their below subsistence wages and
their lack of access to land,

00:51:00.000 --> 00:51:04.999
housing or health care.

00:51:05.000 --> 00:51:09.999
The denial of such basic needs,
with the seed of the revolt,

00:51:10.000 --> 00:51:15.000
and the tragedy of 1932.

00:52:35.000 --> 00:52:43.000
[sil.]